Haraway, Donna J. When Species Meet. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. 2008.
Saturday, April 10, 2010
Abstracts for Biotechnosocial Identities
Haraway, Donna J. When Species Meet. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. 2008.
Sunday, March 28, 2010
Rhetoric of the Mind
Saturday, March 6, 2010
The Interdependent Self
"It is a miracle that curiosity survived a formal education."
-- Einstein
First, I'm going to start with rebuttals to two arguments Ong made. On page 52, he states that "[w]e know that formal logic is the invention of Greek culture after it had interiorized the technology of alphabetic writing, and so made a permanent part of its noetic resources the kind of thinking that alphabetic writing made possible." This is the Western notion that ancient Greece is where it all began. The Phoenecian and Semetic alphabets preceded the Greek alphabet by several centuries, and arguments can be made that the first alphabet was created in Egypt as far back as 1800 BCE (http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/middle_east/521235.stm). Since we can't fully translate these other alphabets, we have no way of knowing that they didn't have "formal logic." But if Ong's statement that the culture "interiorized the technology of alphabetic writing," we have no reason to think that these older cultures didn't have logic.
Second, on page 54, he discusses how the "illiterates" in Lurias's study struggled with self-analysis. "Self-analysis requires a certain demolition of situational thinking. It calls for isolation of the self, around which the entire lived world swirls for each individual person, removal of the center of every situation from that situation enough to allow the center, the self, to be examined and described." This is, once again, looking at definitions through a Western lens. I would argue that "the center, the self" can certainly be analyzed and described within the context of the situation (especially since we can never be out of a context), but it is a different form of analysis and is expressed in different ways from traditional Western expectations. If you ask an indigenous person a Western-centered question, of course the person is not going to provide a Western answer. But if you were to rephrase it into that person's cultural traditions, you would get a "valid" answer. Case in point: in my non-western rhetorics course I took, my professor had spent years studying Chinese rhetoric. When I asked her if the I Ching could be considered rhetoric, she said no way. But with some research, I was able to prove that this "book of mysticism" had actually been the most powerful rhetorical tool for the Chinese for thousands of years. As I mentioned in class, Chinese leaders would actually consult the I Ching before making major political decisions such as going to war or marrying a daughter off to another clan to avoid future battles. So the book was absolutely a rhetorical tool, but it was used in a manner foreign to Western tradition.
One quote I really like in Ong's article was that "[o]ral folk assess intelligence not as extrapolated from contrived textbook quizzes but at situated in operational contexts" (55). This is very much the American Indian belief that you cannot separate yourself from the land; once you do that, you are headed on a path of destruction. Or as Monroe mentioned in "Plateau Indian Ways with Words," "the Plateau Indian self is also a relational, interdependent self, a construct that also manifests in many ways, often simultaneously with the independent self" (w324). There is an "independent" self but it is always connected to the social; it is interdependent. What I took from Monroe's article was a clear definition of my philosophy of self, and I'm definitely a holistic thinker. But what also intrigues me is that my brother is not; we are definitely yin and yang. His life, as a Naval commander, prosecuting attorney, and a police officer, is all about right and wrong; there is no in-between. For me, there is only in-between. We both have the same blood quantum, yet I identify AI and he identifies white. And our self-identities showed in school as well: I always listened to the teacher and didn't speak out-of-turn (although I was taught to look at the teacher so that she or he would know I was paying attention); my brother was argumentative, and while he would take his disagreements with what another student said "outside," it was an absolute "I'm right and you're wrong" attitude that several times resulted in physical violence.
Both articles also answered a question I posted on FB yesterday: how could a student produce such a beautiful resume and have such an incredibly wordy cover letter? Re-reading her letter in light of oral culture, I can see that she was writing exactly how she would speak, and she did repeat herself several times and included information that wasn't pertinent to a cover letter, but information that would come up in conversation. So now, my job is to explain "the values [a cover letter] embodies" (w340) without engaging in "rhetorical imperialism." Any suggestions?
P. S. In case you were wondering, I prefer Word because it checks grammar. This editor didn't catch when I typed "rhetoric" instead of "rhetorical."
Monday, March 1, 2010
Sunday, February 21, 2010
Walled In or Walled Out?
Sunday, February 14, 2010
Are there really any clear boundaries?
Sunday, February 7, 2010
What Versus Why, Said the Cat
Sunday, January 31, 2010
Culture Clash: Literacy and Identity
Sunday, January 24, 2010
The American Crucible: Hybridity
Monday, January 18, 2010
(Re)defining Contact Zones
In the Spring of 2006, I taught my second section of freshman composition at California State University Stanislaus, in Turlock, California. Turlock is part of "The Valley" north of Fresno and south of Sacramento, and has a wide range of ethnicities. My class that semester had fourteen students, only two of whom were White. About midway through the semester, we read several articles on race and racism in the U.S. My two White students expressed their opinions and seemed fairly comfortable with the topic, while my Hispanic, Hmong, Arabic, and African students remained reticent. I recognized that my non-White students did not see themselves as belonging to our classroom community (or at least, not as full members of it). Kenneth Burke defines belonging as "the identifications whereby a specialized activity makes one a participant in some social or economic class. Belonging in this sense is rhetorical" (28). So I decided to use this definition of belonging and strategically played the "ace up my sleeve." I informed them that according to the "White Man's law" I was not White; I was Cherokee, which made me a minority. My two White students stiffened and sat up straighter in their chairs, and my twelve non-White students physically relaxed. In Pratt's terms, I became a heterogeneous text: I had just been "ready very differently [by] people in different positions in the contact zone." To my White students I had been White; I belonged to their culture, their community. But my announcement suddenly Othered me from them, and included me in the non-White community (which led to some great discussions and much more openness from the other minority students).
I start with this story because that classroom was a contact zone, and it was the first time that I saw how much racism and colonialism were still a part of those students' identities. That one day made me "reconsider the models of community that many of us rely on in teaching and theorizing" (Pratt). My "model" of community is much more of a Whiteheadan concresence than any sort of traditional static "Leave It to Beaver" type, but for my students, there were still very clear boundaries between races and cultures. In fact, the one day that I brought my dogs to class, my two Egyptian students didn't attend, because in their culture dogs are not pets and they would never socialize with them.
Pratt's article also resonated with me when she was discussing transculturation and stated that "subordinate peoples do not usually control what emanates from the dominant culture, [but] they do determine to varying extents what gets absorbed into their own and what it gets used for." In my research last semester of American Indian enrollment, I discovered that the controversial issue of blood quantum was something originally imposed on Indians by the American government, but it was also something that many tribes incorporated into their definition of Indianness. Prior to being booted off their land, the Cherokee sense of culture was a social one; there was no concept of race or blood determining whether or not one was Cherokee. However, after being moved to Oklahoma and the General Allotment Act divvying up Indian Territory, it was the U.S. government that decided that "Indian" meant a person had to be at least half "Indian," live on the reservation in Oklahoma (not in a neighboring state), and be registered on the Dawes Roles to qualify for land. The Cherokee Nation, when it re-established itself several decades later, then absorbed the notion that to be Cherokee, one had to trace one's lineage back to someone on the Dawes Roles. So for me, while I have a greater blood quantum than many registered Cherokee, I can never be a member of the tribe because my ancestors were not included on the Dawes Roles.
My image of culture is a word-image, a recognition that there are no clear boundaries between individual and society, self and Other (Other including the non-human as well); it is of a mobile described in Ursula LeGuin's The Dispossessed:
[It was] a large piece made of wires pounded flat, so that edge-on they all but disappeared, making the ovals into which they were fashioned flicker at intervals, vanishing, as did, in certain lights, the two thin, clear bubbles of glass that moved with the oval wires in complexly interwoven ellipsoid orbits about the common center, never quite meeting, never entirely parting. (295)
As Donna Haraway states, our relationship with Others is a "contradictory story of relationships -- co-constitutive relationships in which none of the partners pre-exist the relating, and the relating is never done once and for all" (300). To recognize identity and cultural identity as co-constitutive relationships means that the relationships are constantly building upon each other, that there is no fixing of identities because each is shaping the other, and thus "never quite meeting, never entirely parting." I think this is what Guaman Poma's point was in writing that text in both languages, and also why it is so long, because he was exploring how the Spanish and Incan cultures could shape each other, and that there was no end to the relating.
Both Pratt and Kaplan support the notion of culture being open-ended, not a "container for fixed values" (Monroe). Kaplan's notion of contrastive rhetoric could be seen to be limiting, had he not specifically stated near the end of the article that, "[i]t was never intended to be replacive; rather, it was always perceived as being additive -- contributing to the resources available for discourse building" (xvi). I find Kaplan's article very interesting because it doesn't occur to me not to use contrastive rhetoric in my classroom. I specifically challenge my students to look at controversial issues and to learn to see them from different perspectives, always aware that their beliefs are their own, but that by learning to see issues from different points of view, they can begin to understand others, and perhaps begin a dialogue with them. A philosophy and religion instructor I was lucky enough to study under, Dr. Jacob Needleman, once stated that he saw the various religions as "different paths up the same mountain," and that principle is what I try to instill in my students. Our interactions with Others shape us as much as we shape them, and since the interacting is ongoing, there can never be one clear winner.
Burke, Kenneth. A Rhetoric of Motives.
Haraway, Donna. "Cyborgs to Companion Species," The Haraway Reader.
Pratt, M. L. (1991). "Arts of the Contact Zone." Profession 91: 33-40.
Kaplan, R. B. Forward: What in the World is Contrastive Rhetoric?: vii-xx.